Inglês — CACD 2022

Text 5 1  “Were not those behavior patterns and collective self- images really the cultural property of an elite, and a small one at that, superimposed on the majority of the population? 4 [...].  In the sense that the collective ways of seeing themselves, and the world beyond, that I have classified as 7 habitually Dutch were not a spontaneous generation but a conscious invention, and that the inventors belonged by and large to the educated, propertied nation, the objection is 10 valid. Van Beverwijk, Cats, Grotius and many of the other projectors of the national imagination were not, by any account, men of the common herd. And it was they who 13 gave shape, perspective and meaning to the rush of historical experience with which the Netherlanders were beset. They were, in a sense, the inventors of patriotic 16 inevitability: the notion that a peculiar Dutch destiny lay immanent, locked in the crust of European history, waiting for some preordained eruption to blow it free of its ancient 19 and unnatural containment. This was potent mythology, to be sure. But it would have been ephemeral, had it been just the self-serving fancy of a few humanist intellectuals and 22 grandees. Its robustness, in fact, lay in the spell of self- recognition. To be free and to deserve godly succor, the Dutch were told, they had merely to be themselves and to 25 remain true to themselves.  To a remarkable degree, for its time, Dutch culture was the property of all sorts and social conditions. An 28 Avercamp winterscape with gentlefolk skating alongside rustics and sober burghers is an idyll, no doubt, but not so very far from the truth. It was certainly more than a 31 conspiracy of false consciousness, a series of social fables devised to legitimate a monopoly of social power by the possessing classes. Of course, it didn’t do them any harm, 34 either. But in the acid test of allegiance and sacrifice in a murderous and terrifying war, in the burden of heavy taxes, and in the perennial alarms and anxieties that hung around 37 Dutch diplomacy, their belief in themselves as a common 38 tribe held firm.”

Withdrawal of a Diplomatic Mission

Text 7  Act III  Scene III  A Room in the Castle  KING CLAUDIUS Thanks, dear my lord.  [Exit POLONIUS] 7 O, my ofence is rank it smells to heaven; It hath the primal eldest curse upon’t, A brother’s murder. Pray can I not, 10 Though inclination be as sharp as will: My stronger guilt defeats my strong intent; And, like a man to double business bound, 13 I stand in pause where I shall first begin, And both neglect. What if this cursed hand Were thicker than itself with brother’s blood, 16 Is there not rain enough in the sweet heavens To wash it white as snow? Whereto serves mercy But to confront the visage of offence? 19 And what’s in prayer but this two-fold force, To be forestalled ere we come to fall, Or pardon’d being down? Then I’ll look up; 22 My fault is past. But, O, what form of prayer Can serve my turn? ‘Forgive me my foul murder’? [...]. 25 Art more engaged! Help, angels! Make assay! Bow, stubborn knees; and, heart with strings of steel, Be soft as sinews of the newborn babe! 28 All may be well.  Retires and kneels  [Enter HAMLET]  HAMLET Now might I do it pat, now he is praying; And now I’ll do’t. And so he goes to heaven; 34 And so am I revenged. That would be scann’d: A villain kills my father; and for that, I, his sole son, do this same villain send 37 To heaven. O, this is hire and salary, not revenge. He took my father grossly, full of bread; With all his crimes broad blown, as flush as May; And how his audit stands who knows save heaven? But in our circumstance and course of thought, ‘Tis heavy with him: and am I then revenged, To take him in the purging of his soul, [...].

Text 7  Act III  Scene III  A Room in the Castle  KING CLAUDIUS Thanks, dear my lord.  [Exit POLONIUS] 7 O, my ofence is rank it smells to heaven; It hath the primal eldest curse upon’t, A brother’s murder. Pray can I not, 10 Though inclination be as sharp as will: My stronger guilt defeats my strong intent; And, like a man to double business bound, 13 I stand in pause where I shall first begin, And both neglect. What if this cursed hand Were thicker than itself with brother’s blood, 16 Is there not rain enough in the sweet heavens To wash it white as snow? Whereto serves mercy But to confront the visage of offence? 19 And what’s in prayer but this two-fold force, To be forestalled ere we come to fall, Or pardon’d being down? Then I’ll look up; 22 My fault is past. But, O, what form of prayer Can serve my turn? ‘Forgive me my foul murder’? [...]. 25 Art more engaged! Help, angels! Make assay! Bow, stubborn knees; and, heart with strings of steel, Be soft as sinews of the newborn babe! 28 All may be well.  Retires and kneels  [Enter HAMLET]  HAMLET Now might I do it pat, now he is praying; And now I’ll do’t. And so he goes to heaven; 34 And so am I revenged. That would be scann’d: A villain kills my father; and for that, I, his sole son, do this same villain send 37 To heaven. O, this is hire and salary, not revenge. He took my father grossly, full of bread; With all his crimes broad blown, as flush as May; And how his audit stands who knows save heaven? But in our circumstance and course of thought, ‘Tis heavy with him: and am I then revenged, To take him in the purging of his soul, [...].

Text 6 1  “The advances achieved in Italy and its environs show that, in terms of cultural and economic development, Europe was already diverging from the rest of the world before the end of the fifteenth century. However, the decisive breakthrough that prefigured the age of European domination was not the Italian Renaissance so much as the Iberian age of exploration. Beginning in the reign of Henrique the Navigator (1415-60), sailors from Portugal began to venture further away from Europe—first southwards, following the West African coast, and then all the way across the Atlantic, Indian and finally the Pacific oceans. These extraordinarily ambitious and hazardous voyages created a network of new oceanic trade routes that would rapidly transform the global economy from a patchwork of regional markets into a single world market. […].  The Portuguese did not arrive with many products of their own to offer Asian consumers (though they did bring some slaves and gold from West African outposts). That was not the point. Nor did they come as conquerors, intent on acquiring territory or new subjects for their king. What the Portuguese had was a series of technological advantages that made their bid to establish a new and superior trade network viable. […].  The Portuguese were not wrong that China presented a genuine economic opportunity. […]. Yet the Portuguese overplayed a weak hand. Simão de Andrade showed a crass disregard for local sensibilities. Without the consent of imperial officials, he built a fort at Tunmen, hanged a Portuguese sailor in violation of Chinese law, excluded non- Portuguese ships from the harbour and, when challenged, knocked a mandarin’s hat off. […].  Why then did the Portuguese ultimately prevail, to the extent of establishing Macau as a part of their network in 1557—an acquisition they proceeded to retain in their possession for more than 400 years? […]. First, the Chinese 37 prohibition on trade proved unenforceable. New men arrived from Portugal—Leonel de Souza and Simão d’Almeida— who succeeded in establishing a foothold in the Guangdong trade. With the right incentives, officials […] could be turned from foes into business partners. Second, while the Chinese had won the early naval encounters, they had appreciated the superiority of Portuguese ships and cannon. Crucially, as compared with indigenous East Asian pirates, the Portuguese came to be regarded as the lesser evil. […]. 46 After 1601, Portuguese and Chinese forces would fight together to repel new interlopers, from the Netherlands”.

Text 6 1  “The advances achieved in Italy and its environs show that, in terms of cultural and economic development, Europe was already diverging from the rest of the world before the end of the fifteenth century. However, the decisive breakthrough that prefigured the age of European domination was not the Italian Renaissance so much as the Iberian age of exploration. Beginning in the reign of Henrique the Navigator (1415-60), sailors from Portugal began to venture further away from Europe—first southwards, following the West African coast, and then all the way across the Atlantic, Indian and finally the Pacific oceans. These extraordinarily ambitious and hazardous voyages created a network of new oceanic trade routes that would rapidly transform the global economy from a patchwork of regional markets into a single world market. […].  The Portuguese did not arrive with many products of their own to offer Asian consumers (though they did bring some slaves and gold from West African outposts). That was not the point. Nor did they come as conquerors, intent on acquiring territory or new subjects for their king. What the Portuguese had was a series of technological advantages that made their bid to establish a new and superior trade network viable. […].  The Portuguese were not wrong that China presented a genuine economic opportunity. […]. Yet the Portuguese overplayed a weak hand. Simão de Andrade showed a crass disregard for local sensibilities. Without the consent of imperial officials, he built a fort at Tunmen, hanged a Portuguese sailor in violation of Chinese law, excluded non- Portuguese ships from the harbour and, when challenged, knocked a mandarin’s hat off. […].  Why then did the Portuguese ultimately prevail, to the extent of establishing Macau as a part of their network in 1557—an acquisition they proceeded to retain in their possession for more than 400 years? […]. First, the Chinese 37 prohibition on trade proved unenforceable. New men arrived from Portugal—Leonel de Souza and Simão d’Almeida— who succeeded in establishing a foothold in the Guangdong trade. With the right incentives, officials […] could be turned from foes into business partners. Second, while the Chinese had won the early naval encounters, they had appreciated the superiority of Portuguese ships and cannon. Crucially, as compared with indigenous East Asian pirates, the Portuguese came to be regarded as the lesser evil. […]. 46 After 1601, Portuguese and Chinese forces would fight together to repel new interlopers, from the Netherlands”.