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Inglês — CACD 2016

CEBRASPE · CACD – 1ª fase (TPS) · 52 itens · julgue cada item como Certo ou Errado

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Text I1 On a visit to Beirut during the terrible civil war of1975-1976 a French journalist wrote regretfully of the gutteddowntown area that “it had once seemed to belong to the4Orient of Chateaubriand and Nerval”. He was right about theplace, of course, especially so far as a European wasconcerned. The Orient was almost a European invention, and7had been since antiquity a place of romance, exotic beings,haunting memories and landscapes, remarkable experiences.Now it was disappearing; in a sense it had happened, its time10was over. Americans will not feel quite the same about theOrient, which for them is much more likely to be associated13very differently with the Far East (China and Japan, mainly).Unlike the Americans, the French and the British — less so theGermans, Russians, Spanish, Portuguese, Italians, and Swiss —16have had a long tradition of what I shall be calling Orientalism,a way of coming to terms with the Orient that is based on theOrient’s special place in European Western experience. The19Orient is not only adjacent to Europe; it is also the place ofEurope’s greatest and richest and oldest colonies, the source ofits civilizations and languages, its cultural contestant, and one22of its deepest and most recurring images of the Other. Inaddition, the Orient has helped to define Europe (or the West)as its contrasting image, idea, personality, experience. The25Orient is an integral part of European material civilization andculture. Orientalism expresses and represents that partculturally and even ideologically as a mode of discourse with28supporting institutions, vocabulary, scholarship, imagery,doctrines, even colonial bureaucracies and colonial styles. Incontrast, the American understanding of the Orient will seem31considerably less dense. To speak of Orientalism therefore is to speak mainly,although not exclusively, of a British and French cultural34enterprise, a project whose dimensions take in such disparaterealms as the imagination itself, the whole of India and theLevant, the spice trade, colonial armies and a long tradition of37colonial administrators, a formidable scholarly corpus,innumerable Oriental “experts” and “hands”, an Orientalprofessorate, many Eastern sects, philosophies, and wisdoms40domesticated for local European use — the list can beextended more or less indefinitely. From the beginning of thenineteenth century until the end of World War II, France and43Britain dominated the Orient and Orientalism; since WorldWar II America has dominated the Orient, and approaches it asFrance and Britain once did. Out of that closeness, whose46dynamic is enormously productive even if it alwaysdemonstrates the comparatively greater strength of theOccident (British, French, or American), comes the large body49of texts I call Orientalist.

E. W. Said. Orientalism. New York: Pantheon, 1978, p. 1-4 (adapted).

According to text I, decide whether the following statements are right (C) or wrong (E).

  1. 1.

    The Orient has taken part in molding the contemporary European experience.

  2. 2.

    The notion of Orientalism, which the author intends to investigate, is built upon a volume of written texts throughout the centuries.

  3. 3.

    The British and French tradition of Orientalism is forged through the colonial experience and academic corpora.

  4. 4.

    Presently, America situates itself in a different position towards the Orient, regarding British and French perspectives.

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Text I1 On a visit to Beirut during the terrible civil war of1975-1976 a French journalist wrote regretfully of the gutteddowntown area that “it had once seemed to belong to the4Orient of Chateaubriand and Nerval”. He was right about theplace, of course, especially so far as a European wasconcerned. The Orient was almost a European invention, and7had been since antiquity a place of romance, exotic beings,haunting memories and landscapes, remarkable experiences.Now it was disappearing; in a sense it had happened, its time10was over. Americans will not feel quite the same about theOrient, which for them is much more likely to be associated13very differently with the Far East (China and Japan, mainly).Unlike the Americans, the French and the British — less so theGermans, Russians, Spanish, Portuguese, Italians, and Swiss —16have had a long tradition of what I shall be calling Orientalism,a way of coming to terms with the Orient that is based on theOrient’s special place in European Western experience. The19Orient is not only adjacent to Europe; it is also the place ofEurope’s greatest and richest and oldest colonies, the source ofits civilizations and languages, its cultural contestant, and one22of its deepest and most recurring images of the Other. Inaddition, the Orient has helped to define Europe (or the West)as its contrasting image, idea, personality, experience. The25Orient is an integral part of European material civilization andculture. Orientalism expresses and represents that partculturally and even ideologically as a mode of discourse with28supporting institutions, vocabulary, scholarship, imagery,doctrines, even colonial bureaucracies and colonial styles. Incontrast, the American understanding of the Orient will seem31considerably less dense. To speak of Orientalism therefore is to speak mainly,although not exclusively, of a British and French cultural34enterprise, a project whose dimensions take in such disparaterealms as the imagination itself, the whole of India and theLevant, the spice trade, colonial armies and a long tradition of37colonial administrators, a formidable scholarly corpus,innumerable Oriental “experts” and “hands”, an Orientalprofessorate, many Eastern sects, philosophies, and wisdoms40domesticated for local European use — the list can beextended more or less indefinitely. From the beginning of thenineteenth century until the end of World War II, France and43Britain dominated the Orient and Orientalism; since WorldWar II America has dominated the Orient, and approaches it asFrance and Britain once did. Out of that closeness, whose46dynamic is enormously productive even if it alwaysdemonstrates the comparatively greater strength of theOccident (British, French, or American), comes the large body49of texts I call Orientalist.

E. W. Said. Orientalism. New York: Pantheon, 1978, p. 1-4 (adapted).

Considering the grammatical and semantic aspects of text I, decide whether the following items are right (C) or wrong (E).

  1. 5.

    The texts defined by E. W. Said as Orientalist, albeit numerous, always suggest the Occident’s superiority.

  2. 6.

    The adjective “remarkable” (l.8) could be replaced by significant or uncanny in the context of the text.

  3. 7.

    The word “Orientalist” (l.49) could be correctly replaced by Orientalists.

  4. 8.

    The expression “coming to terms with” (l.17) could be replaced by assimilating, without altering the meaning of the sentence.

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Text I1 On a visit to Beirut during the terrible civil war of1975-1976 a French journalist wrote regretfully of the gutteddowntown area that “it had once seemed to belong to the4Orient of Chateaubriand and Nerval”. He was right about theplace, of course, especially so far as a European wasconcerned. The Orient was almost a European invention, and7had been since antiquity a place of romance, exotic beings,haunting memories and landscapes, remarkable experiences.Now it was disappearing; in a sense it had happened, its time10was over. Americans will not feel quite the same about theOrient, which for them is much more likely to be associated13very differently with the Far East (China and Japan, mainly).Unlike the Americans, the French and the British — less so theGermans, Russians, Spanish, Portuguese, Italians, and Swiss —16have had a long tradition of what I shall be calling Orientalism,a way of coming to terms with the Orient that is based on theOrient’s special place in European Western experience. The19Orient is not only adjacent to Europe; it is also the place ofEurope’s greatest and richest and oldest colonies, the source ofits civilizations and languages, its cultural contestant, and one22of its deepest and most recurring images of the Other. Inaddition, the Orient has helped to define Europe (or the West)as its contrasting image, idea, personality, experience. The25Orient is an integral part of European material civilization andculture. Orientalism expresses and represents that partculturally and even ideologically as a mode of discourse with28supporting institutions, vocabulary, scholarship, imagery,doctrines, even colonial bureaucracies and colonial styles. Incontrast, the American understanding of the Orient will seem31considerably less dense. To speak of Orientalism therefore is to speak mainly,although not exclusively, of a British and French cultural34enterprise, a project whose dimensions take in such disparaterealms as the imagination itself, the whole of India and theLevant, the spice trade, colonial armies and a long tradition of37colonial administrators, a formidable scholarly corpus,innumerable Oriental “experts” and “hands”, an Orientalprofessorate, many Eastern sects, philosophies, and wisdoms40domesticated for local European use — the list can beextended more or less indefinitely. From the beginning of thenineteenth century until the end of World War II, France and43Britain dominated the Orient and Orientalism; since WorldWar II America has dominated the Orient, and approaches it asFrance and Britain once did. Out of that closeness, whose46dynamic is enormously productive even if it alwaysdemonstrates the comparatively greater strength of theOccident (British, French, or American), comes the large body49of texts I call Orientalist.

E. W. Said. Orientalism. New York: Pantheon, 1978, p. 1-4 (adapted).

In text I, without altering the meaning of the sentence, the noun “realms” (l.35) could be replaced by (mark right — C — or wrong — E):

  1. 9.

    domains.

  2. 10.

    grounds.

    Item anulado pela banca

  3. 11.

    spheres.

  4. 12.

    divisions.

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Text I1 On a visit to Beirut during the terrible civil war of1975-1976 a French journalist wrote regretfully of the gutteddowntown area that “it had once seemed to belong to the4Orient of Chateaubriand and Nerval”. He was right about theplace, of course, especially so far as a European wasconcerned. The Orient was almost a European invention, and7had been since antiquity a place of romance, exotic beings,haunting memories and landscapes, remarkable experiences.Now it was disappearing; in a sense it had happened, its time10was over. Americans will not feel quite the same about theOrient, which for them is much more likely to be associated13very differently with the Far East (China and Japan, mainly).Unlike the Americans, the French and the British — less so theGermans, Russians, Spanish, Portuguese, Italians, and Swiss —16have had a long tradition of what I shall be calling Orientalism,a way of coming to terms with the Orient that is based on theOrient’s special place in European Western experience. The19Orient is not only adjacent to Europe; it is also the place ofEurope’s greatest and richest and oldest colonies, the source ofits civilizations and languages, its cultural contestant, and one22of its deepest and most recurring images of the Other. Inaddition, the Orient has helped to define Europe (or the West)as its contrasting image, idea, personality, experience. The25Orient is an integral part of European material civilization andculture. Orientalism expresses and represents that partculturally and even ideologically as a mode of discourse with28supporting institutions, vocabulary, scholarship, imagery,doctrines, even colonial bureaucracies and colonial styles. Incontrast, the American understanding of the Orient will seem31considerably less dense. To speak of Orientalism therefore is to speak mainly,although not exclusively, of a British and French cultural34enterprise, a project whose dimensions take in such disparaterealms as the imagination itself, the whole of India and theLevant, the spice trade, colonial armies and a long tradition of37colonial administrators, a formidable scholarly corpus,innumerable Oriental “experts” and “hands”, an Orientalprofessorate, many Eastern sects, philosophies, and wisdoms40domesticated for local European use — the list can beextended more or less indefinitely. From the beginning of thenineteenth century until the end of World War II, France and43Britain dominated the Orient and Orientalism; since WorldWar II America has dominated the Orient, and approaches it asFrance and Britain once did. Out of that closeness, whose46dynamic is enormously productive even if it alwaysdemonstrates the comparatively greater strength of theOccident (British, French, or American), comes the large body49of texts I call Orientalist.

E. W. Said. Orientalism. New York: Pantheon, 1978, p. 1-4 (adapted).

Decide whether the following statements are right (C) or wrong (E) according to text I.

  1. 13.

    Even though the Orient neighbours Europe, the peoples of this region are the most likely to appear as Europe’s Other.

  2. 14.

    The author asserts that the Orient, as Europeans tend to see it, is a culturally ancient creation.

  3. 15.

    It can be said that the French journalist quoted in the text was disappointed not to find the landscape once described by the referred writers.

  4. 16.

    The Portuguese as well as other European peoples share the exact same Orientalist tradition as the British.

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Text II1 The way, today, we tell any of the tales of “voyage ofdiscovery”, is in terms of crossing and conquering space.Cortés voyaged across space, found Tenochtitlán, and took it.4“Space”, in this way of telling things, is an expanse we travelacross. We know “globalisation” in its current form is not the7result of a law of nature. It is a project. It is not a descriptionof the world as it is so much as an image in which the world isbeing made.10 This much is now well established in critiques oftoday’s globalisation. But it is perhaps less often made explicitthat one of the crucial manoeuvres at work within it, to13convince us of the ineluctability of this globalisation, is asleight of hand in terms of the conceptualisation of space andtime. And this has social and political effects. It says that16Mozambique and Nicaragua are not really different from “us”.We are not to imagine them as having their own trajectories,their own particular histories, and the potential for their own,19perhaps different, futures. They are not recognised as coevalothers. They are merely at an earlier stage in the one and onlynarrative it is possible to tell. That cosmology of “only one22narrative” obliterates the multiplicities, the contemporaneousheterogeneities of space. It reduces simultaneous coexistenceto place in the historical queue. In the context of a world which25is, indeed, increasingly interconnected, the notion of place hascome to have totemic resonance.

D. Massey. For space. London: Sage Publications, 2005, p. 4-5 (adapted).

Considering the ideas and the vocabulary of text II, decide whether the statements below are right (C) or wrong (E).

  1. 17.

    The expression “sleight of hand” (l.14) carries the notion of skilful deception.

  2. 18.

    The author asserts that, even though “space” is an extension to be travelled, it is nowadays intertwined with the notion of time.

  3. 19.

    The word “ineluctability” (l.13) is synonymous with questionability.

  4. 20.

    The adjective “coeval” (l.19) could be replaced by coetaneous without changing the meaning of the sentence.

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Text V

Most trade between friendly nations, particularly those who operate within the multilaterally agreed rules of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and other relevant international agreements, proceeds smoothly. However, disputes do arise, and they fall into three main categories: (i) Conflicts of policy between sovereign governments which then have an impact on their mutual trade and investment; (ii) Disputes over practical trade actions which are initiated by governments, or get escalated to the intergovernmental level; and (iii) Disputes over the proper application to trade of internationally agreed standards in broader policy areas like environmental protection or labour conditions. All such disputes require diplomatic intervention, sometimes by generalist diplomats, but most often by technical trade specialists.

Sometime ago, the most visible trade-related dispute was that between the United States Government and BP over the disastrous Macondo oil leak in the Gulf of Mexico. However, this is not a typical case. The principal company involved happens to be UK-based (though BP has almost as many US shareholders as British), but a similar disaster could occur at any time to a US-based operator. No intergovernmental differences of substance are at stake — the British Government became involved only indirectly, and because of the knock-on effects which the costs of this accident will have on BP shareholders and on pension funds in the UK.

Michael Johnson. The impact of political and diplomatic disputes on international business activity. Internet: <www.ibde.org> (adapted).

Based on text V, decide whether the statements below are right (C) or wrong (E).

  1. 21.

    There has never been any conflict between members of WTO.

  2. 22.

    The majority of international trade is carried out free of difficulties.

  3. 23.

    Friendly nations are those ones which belong to WTO.

  4. 24.

    Trade disputes can be categorized into at least three facets.

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Text IV1 The basic instruments of public diplomacy are hardlynew. The United States, for example, has conductededucational and cultural exchange programs for almost4sixty years. Cultural diplomacy is usually an exercise indeferred gratification, since such exchange programs typicallydon’t offer immediate or obvious payoffs. Instead, programs7such as the Fulbright educational exchanges represent along-term strategic investment in establishing mutual trust andunderstanding. Similarly, the US information programs10overseas have a long pedigree: the daily Washington File(formerly the Wireless File) began operation in the StateDepartment in 1935 after an ambassador complained that the13slow distribution of official information was “about as usefulas a Roman ruin in a fast-changing world”. The flow of information since has neither slowed nor16stopped changing. In recent months, the biggest internalchange, of course, has been integration. Public diplomacyprograms, once administered by the US Information Agency,19are now integrated into the Department of State under theUnder Secretary for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs.Moreover, public diplomacy officers serve in each of the22Department’s regional and functional bureaus and in publicaffairs sections of the embassy.

Internet: <www.publicdiplomacy.org> (adapted).

Considering the content of text IV, decide whether the following statements are right (C) or wrong (E).

  1. 25.

    Public diplomacy programs still remain disconnected across government agencies.

  2. 26.

    The basic instruments of public diplomacy have practically remained the same.

  3. 27.

    The US information programs abroad started operating due to an ambassador’s complaint.

  4. 28.

    US educational and cultural exchange programs have been in place for over sixty years.

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Text III1 Pierre Englebert’s attempt to measure all of Africausing the yardstick of a single historical factor is highlyproblematic. In this regard, Englebert’s book suffers from four4tendencies, the first two of which involve a dominant mode incurrent writing about Africa, and the third and fourth of whichreflect the constraints of academic publishing, particularly in7the United States of America. Current writing about Africa ischaracterised, firstly, by a remarkable tendency to generaliseabout the entire continent, which no author specialising in10Asia, for example, would dare contemplate. This usuallyinvolves the extrapolation of a single empirical situation to theentire continent. In Englebert’s case, this clearly relates to his13experience in the eastern Congo, which is made to serve as anexample for all of sub-Saharan Africa. This tendency isassociated, secondly, with an intensive search for a single16factor that would explain the plight of Africa, a conceptualmaster key that can unlock the puzzle of the “Africanexception”. Englebert’s book is a typical example of this19tendency to substitute historical explanations with a philosophyof history. He is not concerned with the identification ofcontingent factors which, through their myriad combinations22and mutual (correlated) causal processes, have led to theemergence of the current complex situation on the Africancontinent. Instead, he claims that the entire situation arose from25a single historical moment — that of decolonisation — andevolved by necessity from this, and that this historical momentgave birth to a structure of post-coloniality, from which28African states are fundamentally incapable of liberatingthemselves (while non-African post-colonies apparently arecapable). Here, the argument becomes outright theological:31The sovereignty accorded by outside actors represents the“original sin” of African statehood. As a consequence, andkeeping in line with this theological mode of thinking,34post-colonial Africa can be saved only by others.

T. Bierschenk. Book Review — Pierre Englebert (2009), Africa: unity, sovereignty, and sorrow. Internet: <http://journals.sub.uni-hamburg.de> (adapted).

Decide whether the following statements, concerning the grammatical and semantic aspects of text III, are right (C) or wrong (E).

  1. 29.

    If “yardstick” (l.2) is replaced by criterion in the text, it would be necessary to change the preposition following it — “of” — in order to maintain grammatical accuracy.

  2. 30.

    Most publications tend to propose explanations for the situation of African and Asian countries in a generalised form.

  3. 31.

    The author of the review blames the problems of Englebert’s book mostly on his search for a single answer for the issues concerning African countries.

  4. 32.

    Both the author of the book itself and the reviewer agree that African countries should not have had their independence determined by outside forces.

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Text IV1 The basic instruments of public diplomacy are hardlynew. The United States, for example, has conductededucational and cultural exchange programs for almost4sixty years. Cultural diplomacy is usually an exercise indeferred gratification, since such exchange programs typicallydon’t offer immediate or obvious payoffs. Instead, programs7such as the Fulbright educational exchanges represent along-term strategic investment in establishing mutual trust andunderstanding. Similarly, the US information programs10overseas have a long pedigree: the daily Washington File(formerly the Wireless File) began operation in the StateDepartment in 1935 after an ambassador complained that the13slow distribution of official information was “about as usefulas a Roman ruin in a fast-changing world”. The flow of information since has neither slowed nor16stopped changing. In recent months, the biggest internalchange, of course, has been integration. Public diplomacyprograms, once administered by the US Information Agency,19are now integrated into the Department of State under theUnder Secretary for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs.Moreover, public diplomacy officers serve in each of the22Department’s regional and functional bureaus and in publicaffairs sections of the embassy.

Internet: <www.publicdiplomacy.org> (adapted).

In text IV the expression “deferred gratification” (l.5) could be replaced, without changing of meaning, by (decide whether the items below are right — C — or wrong — E):

  1. 33.

    generous expectation.

  2. 34.

    put-off gratification.

  3. 35.

    paid-off expectation.

  4. 36.

    expected gratification.

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Text V

Most trade between friendly nations, particularly those who operate within the multilaterally agreed rules of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and other relevant international agreements, proceeds smoothly. However, disputes do arise, and they fall into three main categories: (i) Conflicts of policy between sovereign governments which then have an impact on their mutual trade and investment; (ii) Disputes over practical trade actions which are initiated by governments, or get escalated to the intergovernmental level; and (iii) Disputes over the proper application to trade of internationally agreed standards in broader policy areas like environmental protection or labour conditions. All such disputes require diplomatic intervention, sometimes by generalist diplomats, but most often by technical trade specialists.

Sometime ago, the most visible trade-related dispute was that between the United States Government and BP over the disastrous Macondo oil leak in the Gulf of Mexico. However, this is not a typical case. The principal company involved happens to be UK-based (though BP has almost as many US shareholders as British), but a similar disaster could occur at any time to a US-based operator. No intergovernmental differences of substance are at stake — the British Government became involved only indirectly, and because of the knock-on effects which the costs of this accident will have on BP shareholders and on pension funds in the UK.

Michael Johnson. The impact of political and diplomatic disputes on international business activity. Internet: <www.ibde.org> (adapted).

Decide whether the following statements are right (C) or wrong (E) according to text V.

  1. 37.

    The main company involved in the Macondo accident is, just by chance, based in UK.

  2. 38.

    Disputes on international issues neither demand the intervention of diplomats nor of technical trade experts.

  3. 39.

    Intergovernmental differences of substance are not involved in the case.

  4. 40.

    Never before has there been a dispute between the US Government and BP.

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Text IV1 The basic instruments of public diplomacy are hardlynew. The United States, for example, has conductededucational and cultural exchange programs for almost4sixty years. Cultural diplomacy is usually an exercise indeferred gratification, since such exchange programs typicallydon’t offer immediate or obvious payoffs. Instead, programs7such as the Fulbright educational exchanges represent along-term strategic investment in establishing mutual trust andunderstanding. Similarly, the US information programs10overseas have a long pedigree: the daily Washington File(formerly the Wireless File) began operation in the StateDepartment in 1935 after an ambassador complained that the13slow distribution of official information was “about as usefulas a Roman ruin in a fast-changing world”. The flow of information since has neither slowed nor16stopped changing. In recent months, the biggest internalchange, of course, has been integration. Public diplomacyprograms, once administered by the US Information Agency,19are now integrated into the Department of State under theUnder Secretary for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs.Moreover, public diplomacy officers serve in each of the22Department’s regional and functional bureaus and in publicaffairs sections of the embassy.

Internet: <www.publicdiplomacy.org> (adapted).

Decide whether the statements below are right (C) or wrong (E) according to the ideas and information of text IV.

  1. 41.

    Public diplomacy officers serve either in the Department’s regional and functional bureaus or in public affairs sections of the embassy.

  2. 42.

    Integration is bigger than any other internal change.

  3. 43.

    The flow of information has been slowing its pace for years.

  4. 44.

    Public diplomacy programs have long been integrated into the Department of State.

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Text III1 Pierre Englebert’s attempt to measure all of Africausing the yardstick of a single historical factor is highlyproblematic. In this regard, Englebert’s book suffers from four4tendencies, the first two of which involve a dominant mode incurrent writing about Africa, and the third and fourth of whichreflect the constraints of academic publishing, particularly in7the United States of America. Current writing about Africa ischaracterised, firstly, by a remarkable tendency to generaliseabout the entire continent, which no author specialising in10Asia, for example, would dare contemplate. This usuallyinvolves the extrapolation of a single empirical situation to theentire continent. In Englebert’s case, this clearly relates to his13experience in the eastern Congo, which is made to serve as anexample for all of sub-Saharan Africa. This tendency isassociated, secondly, with an intensive search for a single16factor that would explain the plight of Africa, a conceptualmaster key that can unlock the puzzle of the “Africanexception”. Englebert’s book is a typical example of this19tendency to substitute historical explanations with a philosophyof history. He is not concerned with the identification ofcontingent factors which, through their myriad combinations22and mutual (correlated) causal processes, have led to theemergence of the current complex situation on the Africancontinent. Instead, he claims that the entire situation arose from25a single historical moment — that of decolonisation — andevolved by necessity from this, and that this historical momentgave birth to a structure of post-coloniality, from which28African states are fundamentally incapable of liberatingthemselves (while non-African post-colonies apparently arecapable). Here, the argument becomes outright theological:31The sovereignty accorded by outside actors represents the“original sin” of African statehood. As a consequence, andkeeping in line with this theological mode of thinking,34post-colonial Africa can be saved only by others.

T. Bierschenk. Book Review — Pierre Englebert (2009), Africa: unity, sovereignty, and sorrow. Internet: <http://journals.sub.uni-hamburg.de> (adapted).

The statements below are about the ideas of text III and the vocabulary used in it. Decide whether those statements are right (C) or wrong (E).

  1. 45.

    The noun “constraints” (l.6) could be correctly replaced by limitations.

  2. 46.

    The word “myriad” (l.21) is synonymous with intricate.

  3. 47.

    Englebert’s experience in the eastern Congo is paradigmatic for the elaboration of his thesis.

  4. 48.

    The author of the review understands the problems of the African continent as a more complex issue.

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Text II1 The way, today, we tell any of the tales of “voyage ofdiscovery”, is in terms of crossing and conquering space.Cortés voyaged across space, found Tenochtitlán, and took it.4“Space”, in this way of telling things, is an expanse we travelacross. We know “globalisation” in its current form is not the7result of a law of nature. It is a project. It is not a descriptionof the world as it is so much as an image in which the world isbeing made.10 This much is now well established in critiques oftoday’s globalisation. But it is perhaps less often made explicitthat one of the crucial manoeuvres at work within it, to13convince us of the ineluctability of this globalisation, is asleight of hand in terms of the conceptualisation of space andtime. And this has social and political effects. It says that16Mozambique and Nicaragua are not really different from “us”.We are not to imagine them as having their own trajectories,their own particular histories, and the potential for their own,19perhaps different, futures. They are not recognised as coevalothers. They are merely at an earlier stage in the one and onlynarrative it is possible to tell. That cosmology of “only one22narrative” obliterates the multiplicities, the contemporaneousheterogeneities of space. It reduces simultaneous coexistenceto place in the historical queue. In the context of a world which25is, indeed, increasingly interconnected, the notion of place hascome to have totemic resonance.

D. Massey. For space. London: Sage Publications, 2005, p. 4-5 (adapted).

Decide whether the statements below, concerning the ideas and the vocabulary of text II, are right (C) or wrong (E).

  1. 49.

    In the text, the adjective “totemic” (l.26) is the same as emblematic.

  2. 50.

    The social and political consequences of the definition of globalisation are that some countries may be regarded as delayed in their historic progression.

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  3. 51.

    Globalisation, as a project, intends to respect and promote different futures and dynamics for different countries.

  4. 52.

    The phrase “obliterates the multiplicities” (l.22) can be replaced by removes diversities, without changing the meaning of the sentence.

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